Trusted Company Reviews

Anthropic's political money points in more than one direction. Its employee-funded federal PAC gave $160,000 to Republicans and $152,750 to Democrats from April to mid-October 2026, while the company itself gave $850,000 to the California Democratic Party in August 2026, and Forbes reported that founders Dario and Daniela Amodei have given to Democratic and independent candidates but not Republicans.

In 2022 Papa John's announced a perfect score on the Human Rights Campaign Foundation's LGBTQ workplace survey and hosted its first company drag show, and it still takes part in that survey, scoring 100 in 2026.

Yum's employee-funded corporate PAC gave $31,000 to Republicans and $26,000 to Democrats in the 2024 cycle, then sent $16,000 of its $20,000 to Republicans in the 2026 cycle through August.

The NFL's Gridiron PAC gives to both parties: about $1.9 million to Democrats and $1.7 million to Republicans since 2010. The balance shifts by year: 58 percent of 2024-cycle PAC and employee money went to Democrats, while most PAC money in 2023 and through late October 2020 went to Republicans. The league spent $1.5 million on federal lobbying in 2024, and its marketing arm gave $100,000 to President Trump's 2017 inauguration.

In August 2024, after a weeks-long campaign by conservative activist Robby Starbuck, Harley ended its relationship with the Human Rights Campaign, dropped some LGBTQ Pride sponsorships and supplier diversity goals, and then removed its diversity goals and net zero language from its annual report.

While the McMahons ran WWE, people listing it as their employer gave almost entirely to Republicans, and the family itself gave more than 15.1 million dollars in federal political contributions, with only 39,100 dollars going to Democrats.

In 2025, while seeking federal approval of the Skydance merger, Paramount paid $16 million to settle President Trump's 60 Minutes lawsuit and ended its DEI policies; after the Ellisons took control, it named a former Hudson Institute chief as CBS News ombudsman, installed Bari Weiss atop CBS News, and hosted an April 2026 dinner "honoring the Trump White House."

Nike's company-sponsored PAC gave about 76% of its 2024 federal candidate money to Democrats, a roughly three-to-one Democratic tilt.

Owner Elon Musk personally spent roughly $290 million through his America PAC and allied committees to elect Donald Trump and Republicans in 2024, among the largest individual outlays of the cycle.

In the 2024 election cycle, OpenSecrets recorded the Walt Disney Co corporate PAC giving roughly 89.74 percent of its candidate contributions to Democrats and 10.26 percent to Republicans, with broader Disney-affiliated giving running about 85.48 percent Democratic, even as Disney's own corporate disclosure describes the PAC as evenly split.

Walmart's political money leans right. Its corporate PAC tilted Republican in the 2024 cycle (about 58 percent to 42 percent to party committees), and combined Walmart and Walton family spending leans further right once family donations and issue PACs are counted.

Apple employees and individuals gave about 95 percent of their 2024 federal candidate money to Democrats and 5 percent to Republicans, with no corporate PAC money involved at all (OpenSecrets).

Amazon's political money points both ways: employees donate heavily to Democrats while the corporate PAC gave about $799K to candidates of both parties in the 2023-24 cycle.

Netflix's founder and top executives are major Democratic donors. Co-founder Reed Hastings gave $7 million to a pro-Harris super PAC in 2024 and, with his wife, more than $20 million to Democrats in recent years, while co-CEO Ted Sarandos has donated exclusively to Democrats and bundled for Barack Obama.

At least 19 former Fox News hosts, contributors, or staff have been appointed to senior posts in President Trump's second-term administration, including Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, DNI Tulsi Gabbard, Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, and Jeanine Pirro as U.S. Attorney for D.C. NPR reported a similar pattern in the first Trump term, with roughly 20 Fox-affiliated appointees.

Across multiple election cycles, individuals who list Starbucks as their employer have directed the large majority of their federal political donations to Democrats, by most analyses around 87 to 90 percent.

In January 2025 Target made its first presidential inaugural donation in at least a decade, giving 1 million dollars to the Trump-Vance Inaugural Committee, days before it announced its retreat from DEI.

Federal campaign giving connected to Anheuser-Busch, which OpenSecrets aggregates from the corporate PAC, employee and owner donations of $200 or more, soft money to parties, and affiliates including Busch Properties and Craft Brew Alliance, totaled $1,221,409 in the 2024 cycle and ran 63 percent Republican to 37 percent Democratic among dollars attributed to a party. The two preceding cycles ran the other way, 57 percent Democratic in 2020 and 55 percent in 2022, and the 2014, 2016 and 2018 cycles each leaned Republican. The largest 2024 recipients were GOPAC at $265,000, all of it from PACs, and the Republican National Committee at $238,665, all of it from individual donors.

Guinness is not an independent Irish company. It has been owned since 1997 by Diageo plc, a London-listed British multinational, so its finances, disclosures, and political activity all run through the parent.

PepsiCo's own PAC split its 2024 candidate money almost evenly, $65,887 to Democrats and $68,000 to Republicans, and as a federal contractor the company is barred from the independent expenditure spending most large corporations use.

The company has twice intervened publicly in Georgia state politics, opposing the 2016 religious liberty bill and calling the 2021 voting law unacceptable on CNBC, and it suspended all political giving in the week after January 6, 2021.

Google's political money runs in two directions at once. Its corporate PAC, NetPAC, split its 2024 federal candidate giving nearly evenly, $372,000 to Republicans and $357,566 to Democrats. Alphabet-affiliated donors, mostly employees giving as individuals, sent 89.66 percent of their two-party dollars to Democrats in the same cycle, a tilt that has held between 73 and 94 percent every cycle since 2016.

In January 2025 the Costco board of directors unanimously recommended that shareholders reject an anti-DEI proposal, publicly defended its diversity programs, and shareholders rejected the proposal by approximately 98 percent, breaking from peer retailers that had scaled back DEI under similar pressure.

Co-founders Bernie Marcus and Ken Langone are both longtime major Republican donors, with Marcus giving roughly $64M in federal political contributions over the decades, including millions to pro-Trump super PACs.

Two of the most senior anchors at MS NOW are former senior Democratic administration officials. Jen Psaki, host of The Briefing Tuesday through Friday at 9 p.m., served as White House press secretary under President Joe Biden from 2021 to 2022 and previously held senior communications roles in the Obama administration. Symone Sanders-Townsend, who co-hosts The Weeknight, served as chief spokesperson and senior advisor to Vice President Kamala Harris.

Won landmark 5-4 Supreme Court ruling in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby (2014) on religious-liberty grounds, exempting closely-held corporations from the ACA contraceptive mandate.

Consistently advocates for progressive political causes including racial justice, climate change, and immigration reform.

In August 2024, CEO Jim Farley announced Ford would scale back diversity, equity, and inclusion practices, dropping the Human Rights Campaign's Corporate Equality Index and ending diversity hiring quotas, after public pressure from conservative activist Robby Starbuck.

GM took a roughly $49.5 billion federal bailout in 2008 and 2009, then donated $1 million and vehicles to Donald Trump's 2025 inaugural fund, with CEO Mary Barra calling the company and the incoming administration "goal-aligned."

The SpaceX corporate PAC tilted Republican in 2023-2024, giving $671,500 (about 62 percent) to Republicans and $400,500 to Democrats, with the sharpest lean in Senate races.

The employee-funded McDonald's PAC directed about 66 percent of its 2024 federal candidate contributions to Republicans.

Federal political giving tied to Adidas and its people has tilted Democratic in every cycle from 2016 through 2024, reaching 97.76 percent to Democrats in 2024 and peaking at $78,779 in the 2020 cycle at roughly 93 percent Democratic, with 2024 recipients led by Kamala Harris and the Democratic Party committees. The overall dollar footprint is very light and driven largely by employee rather than corporate treasury money, but the direction is consistent and one sided (OpenSecrets, ID D000042006).

Nvidia operates no corporate PAC and has a written policy against making political contributions of any kind; its heavy Washington activity, including lobbying, the export-control fight, and the 15% China revenue-share deal, is driven by chip-market access rather than partisan allegiance.

HBO's weekly political programming, Last Week Tonight with John Oliver (since 2014) and Real Time with Bill Maher (since 2003), reliably operates from left of center; Maher complicates the picture as a liberal who regularly hosts conservatives, opposes progressives on issues like trans athletes in women's sports, and has been a vocal critic of "woke" politics within his own party since 2024, but the network has no comparably durable conservative-hosted weekly program.

Veteran-founded brand with mission language centered on serving people who love America.

Old Navy is a brand of publicly traded Gap Inc., so its political record is really the parent company's, shared with Gap, Banana Republic, and Athleta. That record splits into two very different stories: the founding family's personal politics and the company's own money and positions.

Uber Technologies and CEO Dara Khosrowshahi contributed a combined $2 million to Donald Trump's 2025 inauguration fund — Khosrowshahi's largest political donation ever.

Federal political giving leans strongly Democratic. OpenSecrets recorded $361,236 in Lyft-associated contributions in the 2024 cycle, 92.65 percent to Democrats, and a Democratic majority in every cycle back to 2014. The corporate PAC gave all of its 2024 candidate money to Democrats.

Federal campaign giving tied to Yelp runs heavily to Democrats: in the 2024 cycle, people who list Yelp as their employer, plus its PAC, gave about $285,700, roughly 96 percent to Democrats, and the giving has favored Democrats every cycle for more than a decade.

Founder Jennifer Sey was personally invited to stand directly behind President Trump at the signing of the executive order banning trans athletes from women's sports, wearing an XX-XY shirt at the signing.

Airbnb's own political activity tilts modestly left of the corporate average: its small federal PAC gave 60 percent of its 2023-2024 candidate dollars to Democrats, and after January 6 it pledged to withhold PAC support from members of Congress who voted against certifying the 2020 election, one of the more aggressive corporate responses at the time.

After conservative backlash and a direct call from President Trump, the company reversed its 2025 logo redesign within a week, then pulled Pride and diversity content from its public materials, halted store remodels, and in 2026 replaced the CEO who led the change.

Both Buc-ee's owners are heavy Republican donors. Co-founder Arch Aplin III gave more than $2.8 million to Texas campaigns between 2015 and 2024, led by over $1 million to Governor Greg Abbott, and has kept giving since; co-founder Don Wasek has also given substantial sums to Texas Republicans.

OpenAI's two most senior co-founders have made large personal political donations, and they do not all point the same way. CEO Sam Altman has long been a Democratic donor, giving six-figure support to Joe Biden in 2020 and to Senate Democrats, yet he also gave $1 million of his own money to President Trump's 2025 inaugural fund. President Greg Brockman and his wife gave about $25 million to a pro-Trump super PAC and about $25 million to a super PAC that opposes state-level AI regulation. These were personal donations, not company money.

Microsoft's corporate PAC splits nearly evenly with a slight Republican tilt (53.40 percent R, 45.16 percent D on $800,500 in 2024 candidate giving), while its far larger employee-driven contribution total of $14.67 million leaned Democratic, led by $2.54 million to Kamala Harris's campaign and $1.97 million to the DNC.

In its own corporate voice, Levi Strauss has taken sustained, high-profile progressive stands across guns, abortion, LGBTQ rights, climate, immigration and voting, making it one of the most consistently outspoken large consumer brands on left-coded social issues.

ExxonMobil PAC contributions to federal candidates skewed approximately 73 percent Republican to 27 percent Democrat in the 2024 cycle, with the PAC's separate giving to other PACs and party committees historically running closer to 87 percent Republican.

Individual federal donations from people who list Progressive as their employer have leaned heavily Democratic in recent cycles, roughly 82 to 88 percent, though this reflects employee choices rather than company funds.

Campaign contributions from individuals who list Ralph Lauren Corporation as their employer, a group that includes the founder, have gone overwhelmingly to Democrats: about 95 percent in the 2024 cycle and more than 80 percent in most cycles on record.

In its own marketing TAG Heuer foregrounds gender-equality and inclusion. In 2025 it became official partner and first official timekeeper of the all-female F1 Academy series, running a car whose slogan declared it is no longer a man's world and framing the tie-up as an expression of its egalitarian spirit and openness to all. This is the brand's own public values messaging rather than a partisan endorsement.

Rolex engaged directly with the Trump administration over trade policy in 2025. After a 39 percent US tariff hit Swiss watches, Rolex invited President Trump to its box at the US Open, its chief executive joined a Swiss business delegation that met him in the Oval Office, and the company presented him with a Rolex desk clock; the tariff was later cut. Rolex framed the outreach as sport and sponsorship and said it never negotiated with the US government, and the episode was single-issue and transactional rather than partisan.

The founding Cathy family and the company's foundation have a long, documented record of conservative Christian giving, including earlier WinShape and foundation grants to groups that opposed same-sex marriage, and chairman Dan Cathy's personal donations to the National Christian Charitable Foundation.

Wendy's corporate PAC has favored Republican candidates in every recent cycle, giving about 64 percent of its 2023-2024 federal candidate money to Republicans and 31 percent to Democrats, after wider Republican margins of roughly 66 percent in 2022, 72 percent in 2020, and 81 percent in 2018.

Brinker keeps a minimal federal political footprint for its size: a small employee-funded PAC, no corporate or party committee money, and no federal lobbying reported in 2023 or 2024.

IKEA's U.S. arm has taken consistent, documented public positions on climate, LGBTQ+ rights, immigration, voting rights and racial justice, including backing the Paris Agreement, the Equality Act, DACA protections, the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, and a $3 million racial-justice commitment.

In a January 16, 2024 hearing before the National Labor Relations Board, Trader Joe's joined SpaceX, Amazon, and Starbucks in formally arguing that the NLRB itself is unconstitutional, a position widely associated with the conservative movement to roll back New Deal-era federal labor protections.

Through its VIVA GLAM lipstick, MAC has for three decades given 100 percent of the selling price to HIV/AIDS and LGBTQ causes, raising more than 540 million dollars, and the fund now backs sexual, racial, gender, and environmental equality, with past partners including Planned Parenthood and GLAAD.

Reebok's most sustained public-affairs identity is progressive-coded: the Reebok Human Rights Award program dates to 1988, and the brand revived it in 2022 alongside a Human Rights Now! product platform and a $600,000 donation to RISE, a social justice nonprofit, with partners including the ACLU and Sports Illustrated.

Breitling engaged directly on US trade policy in 2025, retaining the Washington firm Ballard Partners for tariff work and, through CEO Georges Kern, publicly opposing the Trump administration's 39 percent tariff on Swiss goods. The engagement was framed around export and business interests rather than any partisan alignment, and the firm it hired is closely tied to the Trump administration.

The UFC made an unusually overt corporate political choice, spending an estimated 60 million dollars to stage UFC Freedom 250 on the White House South Lawn for the president's birthday and the nation's 250th anniversary.

Saudi Arabia's Public Investment Fund, through its SRJ Sports Investments arm, holds a minority equity stake and a board seat in PFL. The partnership also created the PFL MENA regional league and a slate of pay-per-view events staged in Saudi Arabia.

As a foreign-owned company, TikTok is barred from making US corporate political donations, so it has no PAC or candidate-giving record to read a partisan lean from.

Federal campaign giving tied to Mercedes-Benz USA is small and nearly evenly split, about 48.7 percent to Democrats and 50.2 percent to Republicans across all cycles since 1990, and comes overwhelmingly from individual employees rather than a corporate PAC.

Political giving by people tied to Regis shifted from mostly Republican (2018 cycle: $38,265 to Republicans, $8,571 to Democrats) to mostly Democratic (2024 cycle: $41,272 to Democrats, $12,765 to Republicans), and Regis has no corporate PAC.

A federal regulator's October 2026 report found that, until 2025, a Capital One business line treated any group tied to one political party as high risk and turned away organizations on both sides, including a reproductive rights group and a gun rights group.

American's political money splits almost evenly: the wider OpenSecrets count of PAC and employee donations ran 50.8 percent Republican in the 2024 cycle, while the PAC's direct checks to candidates went 52 percent to Democrats.

Since 2019, Harry's has partnered with The Trevor Project, an LGBTQ youth suicide prevention group, and the group says Harry's giving passed $2.1 million by 2024.

Executive Chairman and CEO Ryan Cohen, the company's largest shareholder and public face, uses his personal account for right-coded politics, including a July 2024 Trump endorsement, a post repeating the word TRUMP 665 times, and a February 2025 jab at wokeness and DEI tied to selling the Canadian and French operations.

Campaign contributions tied to Zillow's name run heavily to Democrats: about 88 percent of roughly $524,000 in the 2024 cycle, with even steeper shares in earlier cycles.

Barnes & Noble has taken affirmative pro-book-access positions, joining a 2023 federal amicus brief opposing Texas's HB 900 book-restriction law and publicly defending the sale of challenged titles.

Individual donors associated with Peloton have given overwhelmingly to Democrats across five election cycles, from 100 percent in 2016 and 99.73 percent in 2020 to 82.32 percent in 2024, with the Republican share rising in each of the last two cycles.

Reddit maintains no major corporate PAC and minimal federal lobbying, leaving little direct partisan signal at the company level.

eBay's own corporate political activity is small and access-oriented, with no consistent partisan program, which keeps the company near the center.

Kohl's maintains a documented corporate-neutrality posture: its Political Activity Policy and Fiscal 2025 report state it runs no corporate PAC and makes no company contributions to candidates, parties, ballot measures, 527s, 501(c)(4)s, or convention host committees, and it declined to sponsor either the RNC or DNC in its hometown of Milwaukee.

Petco has taken several documented, company-initiated LGBTQ+ and diversity positions, including an Official Corporate Partner tie to The Trevor Project with a Pride-collection donation, seven identity-based employee resource groups, and a publicized 95 out of 100 on the Human Rights Campaign's Corporate Equality Index.

Chewy removed its "Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion" section from its annual report between 2024 and 2026, retitling it "People and Culture" and dropping the DEI language entirely.

In the 2024 cycle Lowe's employee PAC (LOWPAC) gave more to Democrats than Republicans, $246,500 (about 53 percent) to Democratic federal candidates versus $204,500 (about 44 percent) to Republicans, a slight Democratic tilt close to the mirror image of rival Home Depot's Republican-leaning PAC.

State Farm's federal political money, through its corporate PAC and aggregated employee giving, has leaned Republican for decades, though the Republican share has narrowed from about 88 percent in 2000 to roughly 59 percent in the 2024 cycle.

Liberty Mutual actively publicizes its diversity and LGBTQ workplace commitments, earning a perfect Human Rights Campaign Corporate Equality Index score for eight consecutive evaluations and offering benefits that include gender-affirming care.

Through its PAC and its employees, federal campaign money tied to Northwestern Mutual has gone majority-Republican in nearly every cycle for decades, though the Republican share fell from about 76 percent in 2016 to about 58 percent in 2024.

Markets itself as America's only Christian conservative wireless provider and directs a portion of revenue to conservative and Christian causes built around its Four Pillars.

Political donations by people who list Ariat as their employer, including founder and longtime CEO Beth Cross, run almost entirely to Democrats, among them Clinton, Kerry, Biden and Harris, with a single $50 gift to a Tennessee Republican the lone exception.

Best Buy's employee funded PAC directed most of its 2024 candidate money to Republicans, giving $95,000 (about 57 percent) to Republican candidates and $67,000 (about 40 percent) to Democrats out of $165,500 total.

In late January 2025, Aldi US quietly removed all dedicated diversity, equity, and inclusion language and pages from its US careers and corporate websites without issuing any public statement, while keeping similar DEI pages live on its UK, Ireland, and Australia websites.

Panera founder Ron Shaich has a long, documented record of personal giving to Democratic candidates and committees, including the Obama Victory Fund and the Democratic National Committee, and is a public advocate of "conscious capitalism."

Wingstop's own Flavor for Good platform names diversity and inclusion as a stated pillar and publicizes Pride Month and multiple heritage months, and its 2026 proxy added greenhouse gas, animal welfare, and waste-reduction disclosures.

No significant public political stance or corporate activism identified.

No corporate PAC, no federal lobbying registration, and no federal contributions by founders Jason McGowan or Sawyer Hemsley surfaced in the campaign-finance records reviewed.

Books-A-Million operates no corporate PAC, reports zero federal lobbying, and has made no foregrounded corporate political statements, leaving little company-level partisan signal in either direction.

Dell makes no corporate political contributions and gives federally only through an employee-funded PAC, whose 2024 candidate donations leaned slightly to Democrats, about 54 percent, and whose employees' aggregated giving made Kamala Harris the top recipient ahead of Donald Trump, with no outside election spending reported.

Pampers' parent, Procter & Gamble, directs its political giving modestly toward Democrats: the corporate PAC's 2024 candidate donations split about 57 percent Democratic, and the organization's overall federal contributions of roughly $599,595 split about 62 percent Democratic.

Kimberly-Clark, the parent behind Huggies, runs no corporate PAC and states in its own disclosure that it spends no corporate money on candidates, political parties, or political committees, and it reported $0 on ballot initiatives in 2024.

FedEx's corporate PAC gave $706,000 to federal candidates in 2023-2024, splitting it 53.97% to Republicans and 45.40% to Democrats, with Senate giving leaning more Republican than its near-even House giving.

UPS runs one of the country's larger corporate PACs and tilted its 2023-2024 candidate giving about 59 percent to Republicans, a more pronounced Republican lean than many large corporate PACs.

No corporate political action committee and no federal lobbying appear on the public record for The Farmer's Dog, leaving the company nearly absent from federal political money.

Purina's corporate PAC sent about 69 percent of its 2019 to 2020 candidate contributions to Republicans, concentrated on Missouri and agriculture-committee members, then gave $0 to candidates and terminated by 2024.

Ruff Greens advertises almost entirely through conservative talk media, running dedicated sponsor pages and offer codes for hosts including Glenn Beck, Jesse Kelly, Sebastian Gorka, and Matt Walsh, plus the Clay Travis and Buck Sexton show.

Federal contributions tied to Salesforce and its employees have run overwhelmingly to Democrats for more than a decade, about 92.9 percent of the two-party money in the 2024 cycle and 95.4 percent in 2020, almost entirely from individual employees rather than a corporate PAC.

In a June 2020 statement signed by its CEO and COO, the Foundation declared "there is no neutral stance" on racial justice and said it stands "with the movement for Black Lives," then built a $4.5 million Knowledge Equity Fund to address racial inequities.

Keller Williams is unusual in publicly disavowing political activity: it runs no corporate PAC, reported no federal lobbying in 2024, and in a March 2025 statement said it does not donate to campaigns, specifically denying a rumor that it had funded Project 2025.

The federal contributions tied to the RE/MAX name, about $1.72 million in 2024 and entirely from individual agents and staff, have favored Republicans in every cycle on record, narrowing from roughly 65 percent Republican in 2016 to a near even 53 percent in 2024.

Federal contributions tied to Spotify employees and affiliates skew heavily Democratic, with roughly 94% of candidate money going to Democrats in 2024 and Kamala Harris the top recipient.

In the 2024 election cycle, individuals reporting Dine Brands as their employer sent about 75 percent of their federal candidate donations to Democrats, led by Kamala Harris.

Denny's foregrounds a diversity and civil-rights identity under its own name, committing $3.3 million in 2024 to partners including the NAACP, the National Urban League and the National LGBT Chamber of Commerce and running long-standing DEI programs and supplier-diversity targets.

Corporate PAC giving leaned Republican but moderated: 86.8 percent to Republicans in 2013-14, 52.7 percent by 2021-22.

Blue Bell's most visible federal engagement is the July 14, 2025 industry pledge to strip certified artificial colors from ice cream, announced at USDA headquarters alongside Secretary Brooke Rollins, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and FDA Commissioner Marty Makary, with Rollins crediting participating companies with advancing the president's Make America Healthy Again agenda; Blue Bell confirmed its participation a week later.

No corporate PAC, registered federal lobbying, or significant political contributions surfaced for 7 Brew, its parent Brew Culture LLC, or founder Ron Crume in the federal campaign-finance and lobbying records reviewed.

Hilton's corporate PAC splits its federal candidate money almost evenly, giving $27,000 (about 53 percent) to Democrats and $24,000 (about 47 percent) to Republicans in the 2023-2024 cycle, with a Democratic tilt in the House and a Republican tilt in the Senate.

Code Pink is an anti-war organization of the left: it campaigns to cut U.S. military spending ("Defund the Pentagon"), opposes U.S. military aid to Israel and supports the BDS movement, and opposes U.S. sanctions and intervention against Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, and Russia.

The ACLU has become one of the biggest spenders in state-level elections. It has run voter-education and electoral programs of about $25 million in both 2018 and 2024 and a record $25.5 million across nine states for 2026, plus a separate $24.5 million election-safeguarding effort. That money targets abortion-rights ballot measures, state Supreme Court and secretary-of-state races, and LGBTQ and transgender protections.

In November 2025, Eli Lilly signed a high-profile "Most Favored Nation" drug pricing agreement with the Trump administration, agreeing to deep discounts on its GLP-1 obesity drugs alongside a broader policy package that included tariff relief on pharmaceutical imports and FDA "national priority" vouchers for specific drug applications.

In its own voice, IHG has been publicly forward on workforce values, issuing a 2024 press release celebrating Human Rights Campaign recognition and detailing benefits for same-sex and opposite-sex partners, surrogacy and adoption, under a diversity strategy tied to its Journey to Tomorrow plan.

Three independent media bias rating organizations using different methodologies all rate Newsweek near the political center as of 2026: AllSides rates the publication "Center" (March 2026 Editorial Review), Ad Fontes Media rates it "Middle" with "Generally Reliable" reliability, and Media Bias/Fact Check rates it "Right-Center." The triangulation around center from three independent methodologies provides strong evidence of genuinely centrist editorial positioning.

Bright Horizons tells investors in its own SEC filing that broad, government-funded child care such as universal pre-K could cut demand at its centers, while tax credits and aid paid to parents could help it grow, and in New York City it now pays lobbyists to position itself for universal child care opportunities.

rhode is now owned by e.l.f. Beauty, one of the few large U.S. public companies still loudly promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion. e.l.f. ran the 2024 "So Many D****" and Change the Board Game corporate board-diversity campaign and reaffirmed those commitments through 2025 and 2026 as many big companies scaled back.

The brand carries an explicitly Christian identity built by its founder, including a Bible verse on every bottle, presenting sponsorship of the 2017 GMA Dove Awards, and a 2019 Best Christian Workplaces certification. The verse is still on the label, though the company has foregrounded that identity less since its 2022 sale.

HubSpot has published eight consecutive annual Diversity, Inclusion, and Belonging reports through 2024, maintains a VP of Culture, DI&B, and ESG role, runs multiple employee resource groups including BlackHub and a Pride 5K, and has committed $20 million to social impact investing including capital deployed to Minority Depository Institutions. The company has not publicly rolled back any of this infrastructure during the 2025 corporate DEI retreat, when major peers including Amazon, Google, Meta, Target, McDonald's, Walmart, and Salesforce publicly scaled back their DEI programs.

The site is owned by founder John Solomon's Bentley Media Group, whose largest grant on record came from the Informing America Foundation, a 501(c)(3) that distributed more than $8 million to conservative and right-leaning media in 2022.

Conservative Move's core product is partisan relocation, built entirely around helping conservatives leave states it calls blue and resettle in red ones.

Aggregate employee and individual federal contributions tied to Roblox skew heavily to Democratic recipients (about 98 percent of party-coded giving in 2024), and the company operates no corporate PAC.

Under Procter and Gamble ownership, OUAI has run Pride campaigns every year that fund LGBTQ groups, including a Florida organization it said was fighting the state's Don't Say Gay law, and it lists support for LGBTQIA people among its stated values.

Byrna markets itself through a roster of prominent conservative-media figures, including Sean Hannity, Glenn Beck, Judge Jeanine Pirro, Bill O'Reilly, Megyn Kelly, Charlie Kirk, Lara Trump, and Donald Trump Jr., and features Trump Jr. on a dedicated page of its own website.

Powell's has litigated free-expression cases in its own name for two decades: it was a named respondent alongside the ACLU in Ashcroft v. ACLU challenging the federal Child Online Protection Act (1998 to 2004), and in Powell's Books v. Kroger (9th Cir. 2010) it won a ruling striking down two Oregon statutes on furnishing sexual material to minors as overbroad.

EveryLife is built and marketed as an explicitly pro-life brand, calling itself the first and only pro-life diaper company and directing its Buy For A Cause donations to pro-life organizations and pregnancy resource centers.

The company builds its brand around an explicitly Christian identity, describing itself in its own materials as biblically inspired, framing wellness as worship, and calling its products co-created with the Holy Spirit.

The Arvest Bank Group corporate PAC gave 100 percent of its federal candidate money to Republicans in both the 2024 cycle ($27,500) and the 2020 cycle ($37,500), with every recipient a Republican from the bank's four-state footprint.

Bank of America's aggregate federal giving is close to even and has drifted to the center over time, splitting about 50.3 percent to Democrats and 49.7 percent to Republicans in 2024 after leaning Republican a decade earlier.

The brand's entire public identity is built on overt Christian faith, with products centered on Bible verses, the Gospel, and Scripture.

In February 2018, SimpliSafe ended its NRA member discount within days of the post-Parkland #BoycottNRA campaign, after first defending the relationship.

The corporate political money now behind Vonage is its parent's: the Ericsson Inc. U.S. Employees PAC gave federal candidates $66,000 split exactly 50.00 percent Democratic and 50.00 percent Republican in the 2020 cycle, $117,500 at 50.64 percent Democratic in 2022, and $86,500 at 45.09 percent Democratic to 54.91 percent Republican in 2024, with its two largest 2022 checks going in equal $5,000 amounts to the Democratic and Republican leaders of House Energy and Commerce.

Founder and CEO Mike Lindell has stated publicly that he spent at least $40 million of his own money to fund efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election results, with no comparable activity from any other RRB-rated bedding brand.

Pop-A-Lock runs a formal veterans program that promotes veteran franchise ownership and hiring and gives active-duty and retired military a discount on services, framing the program around support for the military.

Its chief legal officer chaired the board of the National Council of Chain Restaurants in 2018 and had won that group's award for encouraging franchisees and executives to become more politically involved, and the company has held International Franchise Association membership since 1988.

No corporate PAC, no federal lobbying registration under the names searched, and no significant federal contributions by owner Lorne Goldberg surfaced in the campaign-finance records reviewed.

Temu takes no side in US politics: it has no corporate PAC, makes no federal campaign contributions, and as a foreign-owned company is barred by law from doing so, leaving no electoral lean to measure.

RedRightBuyer found no federal corporate PAC and no federal lobbying registration for either the World Poker Tour or its owner, Element Partners.

Richard and Elizabeth Uihlein, who own and run the company, are among the largest Republican and conservative donors in the country, giving more than $250 million to federal candidates and groups since 2016, better than 99 percent of it to Republicans.

Brand identity is entirely built around American manufacturing, patriotism, and bringing textile jobs back to the United States.

ADT's federal political activity is minimal and non-partisan: a small, employee funded PAC that reports no independent expenditures, no party committee contributions, and no super PAC spending, with its most consistent giving ($5,000 almost every year from 2017 through 2023) flowing to its own industry's trade PAC rather than to either party.

NRG's employee funded corporate PAC gave $101,000 to federal candidates in the 2023 to 2024 cycle and split it about two thirds to Republicans, after leaning Democratic in the 2020 and 2022 cycles.

Under its own names, Monitronics and Brinks Home, the company has no OpenSecrets organization profile, which means no reported corporate PAC and no reported federal lobbying, though that is a federal finding only and Texas state PACs are outside what those databases cover.

Zoho leaves almost no trace in U.S. political money: RedRightBuyer found no corporate PAC, no OpenSecrets organizational profile, and no federal lobbying registration, unusual for a company that sells across the United States.

Ajax co-developed Ukraine's national Air Alert air-raid warning app with the government's Ministry of Digital Transformation, then built military fundraising into it, so the app solicits donations, routed through the state UNITED24 platform, to buy reconnaissance drones for the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

No federal PAC, no federal lobbying, and no political contributions from Rapid Consulting LLC or its two named executives surfaced in FEC, OpenSecrets, and Michigan state records reviewed for this report.

Koch Industries and its affiliated PAC have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to Republican candidates and conservative policy organizations over decades.

Folds of Honor engages in political activity, but of a nonpartisan, mission-funding kind: its 2024 IRS filing reports $115,000 in direct lobbying of federal and state legislators to fund scholarships for military and first responder families, alongside no PAC, no candidate contributions, and no political campaign activity.

As a 501(c)(3) charity, UNICEF USA runs no political action committee and reports no contributions to federal candidates or parties; its documented political footprint is issue lobbying rather than partisan giving.

No public record shows the WSOP or its private, foreign owner NSUS Group making US political contributions, and no corporate PAC operates under the WSOP or NSUS name in public reporting. NSUS is a privately held Toronto company barred, as a foreign entity, from US campaign giving, so the brand has essentially no documented partisan financial footprint in either direction (Caesars sale release; no WSOP or NSUS committee surfaced in OpenSecrets or FEC during this research).

The Kraft Heinz PAC contributed to both Republican and Democratic candidates in the 2024 cycle, with no outside spending or super PAC activity — consistent with a bipartisan, business-first approach.

Neither St. Jude nor its fundraising arm, ALSAC, operates a political action committee or gives to candidates or parties. The only documented federal advocacy is issue lobbying for pediatric research and children's hospital funding, a cause with deep support in both parties.